Thursday, 19 February 2026

On politics and theology: Part 4. The impact of government on local delivery of services.

The impact of the Blair/Brown/Cameron governments on the relationship between local authorities and the voluntary sector was profound: no more so than in Kent.  The most important lesson to be gained from what happened in the county is that whilst Compacts are excellent in theory, the reality is they are disregarded with impunity by a local authority set on cutting funding and/or services to meet austerity targets.  Commitments to long-term funding go out of the window.  

For many voluntary organisations the problem is that reliance on local and/or national government bodies' funding to provide services is such, that should funding be cut or reduced severely, there is serious risk  of financial instability.  Fear of such an outcome, of the pressure that the funder can impose, means voluntary organisations lose their independence, or even close.

The power rests with procurement units of local authorities and other statutory bodies not with the providers of services. This power is used in a variety of ways:

* Pressure is put on the voluntary sector to organise into larger units. Charities with numerous self-standing registered charity branches are 'encouraged' to merge or risk losing funding. Thus local knowledge and support of the charities is lost. 

*The funder indicates it is interested in receiving proposals for providing services from the profit-driven private sector. 

*The funder names an organisation to receive funding for services and that organisation takes on the role of distributing the funding to providers through an annual competitive bidding process.

The purpose is to drive down costs through a competitive process or meek compliance to the demands of the local authority or other statutory body.  Inevitably financial cuts leads to a drop in the standard of service, trustees and clients become discouraged, a charity goes into a downward spiral and then closes. 

What is lost is the local dimension, the response and engagement of individuals and organisations on the ground with knowledge and experience of the community they wish to serve.  You cannot put a monetary value on that.  

So what is/should be the role of Church of England parishes? Each parochial Church Council (PCC) is an independent charity and therefore has to adhere to charity law.  Charities are regulated by the Charities Commission.  The trustees of a PCC must act always in the interests of the charity.  Plenty of scope there for pressure to act in a certain way from the dioceses.  Whilst it is open to a PCC to take on activities funded by local or national government or other state agencies it needs to be aware of the fragile nature of the funding and have contingency plans to activate should the funding cease.  It is no surprise that most of the activities PCCs authorise are either self-funding or funded by the PCC.  

The issue is that PCCs are taking on the role of safety net by providing services the state has either refused to undertake or withdrawn from.  The danger is that as long as the voluntary sector generally is doing the job of the state the state has no incentive to take action.  There has been little change for many years in the levels of poverty and destitution in this country, in levels of homelessness, in alleviating or overcoming the issues in areas of multiple deprivation.

The shocking situation is that at a time the state relies on the voluntary sector its policies are driving many voluntary organisations to the wall.  Who will pick up the pieces?










On Politics and theology: Part 3: Big Society

The Conservative and Liberal Democrat coalition government led by David Cameron promoted the Big Society, a concept developed in the early 2000nds.  For a resume of the birth, life and demise  of  Big Society see:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Big_Society

See also:

https://www.newlocal.org.uk/articles/big-society-2-0-what-sets-our-paradigm-apart/#:~:text=Built%20around%20principles%20of%20localism%2C,the%20intellectual%20basis%20for%20Cameronism.


The concept and its  proposed application and implemention by reducing the power of the state and placing responsibility on the voluntary sector to deliver was fraught with problems:  not least the lack of sufficient government funding to improve capacity within the sector and also the sector's chaotic fragmented nature.

The then Church of England Archbishop of Canterbury, Rowan Williams,  had this to say of Big Society:

"Introduced in the run-up to the last election as a major political idea for the coming generation, [the Big Society] has suffered from a lack of definition about the means by which such ideals can be realised.

Big Society rhetoric is all too often heard by many therefore as aspirational waffle designed to conceal a deeply damaging withdrawal of the state from its responsibilities to the most vulnerable.

If the Big Society is anything better than a slogan looking increasingly threadbare as we look at our society reeling under the impact of public spending cuts, then discussion on this subject has got to take on board some of those issues about what it is to be a citizen and where it is that we most deeply and helpfully acquire the resources of civic identity and dignity".

The response of the Church of England generally is encapsulated below:

  • Initial Support & Skepticism: While the Church of England generally supported the idea of community empowerment, it was concerned that the initiative was merely a way to reduce state funding for social services.
  • "We are Already Big Society": Church leaders argued that many of the proposed activities were already being done by churches, viewing themselves as the "lifeblood" of communities.
  • Criticism of Implementation: Despite criticisms, the Church engaged in efforts to tackle poverty alongside the government, showing a mix of pragmatism and critique.
  • Alternative Viewpoints: Some perspectives in the Church of England looked at the agenda through a socio-theological lens, focusing on using resources like land and buildings for social good.






Wednesday, 18 February 2026

On politics and theology. Part 2: The Third Sector

A decade as a local government officer, four years as a councillor, many years in the voluntary sector seeking to influence, persuade, cajole councils to take courses of action I, or the organisation I represented,  promoted gave me a solid base to understanding how local authorities operate and appropriate ways to put a case for change.  More importantly how to secure agreement to and implementation of the proposed change - sometimes.  

Welcome to the world of jobsworths, ego trips, insecurity, political expediency, compromise, conflict, demarcation, fear, bravado, cynicism, bureaucracy, interminable paperwork, obfuscation and delay.  No, not the Church of England (although you may think  the cap fits) but local government in England. 

For many involved with faith groups is it any wonder Faith in the City noted forty years ago:

Yet while many members of the Church of England have found it more congenial to express their discipleship by helping individual victims of misfortune or oppression, fewer are willing to rectify injustices in the structures of society.  There is a number of reasons for this preference for 'ambulance work'. No-one minds being cast in the role of protector and helper of the weak and powerless: there is no threat here to one's superior position and one's power of free decision. But to be a protagonist of social change may involve challenging those in power and risking the loss of one's own power. Helping a victim or sufferer seldom involves conflict; working for structural change can hardly avoid it.  Direct personal assistance to an individual may seem relatively straightforward, uncontroversial  and rewarding; involvement in social issues implies choosing  between complicated alternatives and accepting compromises which seem remote from any moral position.....We have little tradition of initiating conflict and coping with it creatively. We are not at home in the tough, secular milieu of social and political activism. Paragraph 3.7.



That passage could have been written yesterday.  It rings true: a prevailing issue that liberation and progressive theologies face: the reluctance to embrace, indeed downright opposition to, anything that deflects from a perceived role of the church to issue passports to heaven.  Yes, an exaggeration.  Social justice is way down the pecking order of priorities, particularly at local level. It is outside the comfort zone, it is for some threatening.

For government, centrally and locally, the voluntary sector is a headache.  Organisations in the sector are obliged to work within a statutory framework: company law, charity law, employment law etc.  The sector is an example of free enterprise, of competition.  There is nothing to prevent a voluntary organisation competing with other voluntary bodies.  There is no master plan for the sector. As an aside, new churches can spring up competing with existing churches, existing churches may compete with each other for the elusive 'new bums on seats'.

Central government over the years has put its oar in in attempts to achieve order and efficiency within what the government of Tony Blair named theThe Third Sector and by implication engaging it in supporting government policies.  The cynics among us perceive this as an attempt to indirectly control the sector through a stick and carrot approach.

In the early 2000's central government was hyper-active. A few titles to give a flavour.  The following emanated from the Office of the Deputy Prime Minister (John Prescott) as an adjunct to the statutory duty placed on local authorities to facilitate the development of community plans for their geographic area:

*Citizen Engagement and Public Services.  Why Neighbourhoods Matter.  
*Securing better outcomes, developing a new performance framework.
*Vibrant Local Leadership.
*Improving Delivery of Mainstream Services in Deprived Areas - The role of Community Involvement.

The Home Office published:

Working Together: Co-operation between Government and Faith Communities.

We had also The Compact: Funding and Procurement. Code of Good Practice.

The Legal Services Commission introduced: Community Legal Services Partnerships.

Not forgetting Police and Communities Together.

The Local Government Association weighed in with: towards self-governing communities.

All the above impinged directly or indirectly on the voluntary sector and the relationship between voluntary groups and government, particularly at local level.

Under the Conservative administration of David Cameron we had the Big Society.  The following is an interesting read, well worth perusing.


In Part 3 I shall consider the Big Society and the stance of the Church of England.












 


Saturday, 14 February 2026

On politics and theology: Part 1: an introduction

This is the first of what I intend to be a series of posts on how christians can bring about change, by engaging in love of neighbour, and working  towards achieving  God's  kingdom on earth.  

I contend it is impossible to separate politics from christian liberation and progressive theologies. They are intimately connected, symbiotic.  Sometimes there is synergy, often there is conflict between faith and state institutions, there is even political/theological conflict within institutions.  When we speak of institutions we are not considering abstract entities: we are speaking of the attitudes and actions of people within organisational structures.  Decisions are made by people. 

Cards on the table.  I consider myself a democratic socialist.  I am supportive of the concepts of postmodernism, and christian liberation and progressive theologies.  For me, what are important are the hopes and aspirations of individuals, seeking to love our neighbour by helping at point of need and/or by campaigning for systemic change to achieve social justice.  A bottom up approach to helping individuals, grassroots demands for change, inductive bible interpretation.  With this comes the need to organise. However one should not overlook the countless examples of individuals acting alone: as a carer, shopping for the house-bound, listening, etc.  But there are limits to what an individual can do alone in terms of time, resources and physical ability. 

The answer for many is in collective action.  Joining a political party, a faith based organisation or a secular voluntary organisation, either as an individual engaging in the activities of the organisation, or involvement in the strategic direction, management or administration of an organisation. Thus a person may volunteer to help at a club established to provide meals for elderly people by serving food, washing up, assisting in the kitchen, transporting clients.   Others will become involved by joining the committee responsible for the operation of the club.  There will be founder members who established the club.  Some will make donations to sustain the financial viability of the club.  There will be individuals working in other organisations who decide to  provide the premises and equipment to enable the club to operate.  For the lunch club and countless other voluntary organisations it is the coming together of individuals determined to ensure the successful operation of the organisation that is the key element.  It is about individuals motivated to help others.  What drives the motivation?  Faith, experience, status, peer influence,  education, environment, political leanings are amongst the many and varied determining factors.

For some the motivation to action is the desire to see systemic change to achieve social justice.  The simplist way is to join an organisation campaigning in the field of interest.  Where no such organisation exists an individual may decide to become the founder of a new organisation and build capacity.

Whether helping at point of need or seeking systemic change, at some stage it is very likely that there will need to be contact with the political process.  It may be at local or national level.  Again it is with people who represent  the organisation.  Government works through people. I know, it is an obvious point, but challenge has to be directed at those individuals responsible for the status quo and with the ability to effect change. See the white of their eyes! The purpose of contact  may concern allocation of resources or changes in policy or legislation.  Such contact is challenging, often bruising. For christians seeking to play out the tenets of progressive or liberation theology challenge and/or confrontation is a given.












Monday, 9 February 2026

On being a prophet or a subversive nuisance


'When presence becomes subversive: lead with integrity in inherited systems.' Anon

Readers of this blog will understand that 'my theology' (rather pretentious) is a melange, mixture, mozaic of socialism, humanism, postmodernism, liberation theology and deconstructivism.  Whether it is christian theology I leave others to judge. I prefer to describe myself as a follower of the teaching attributed to Jesus as set out in the synoptic gospels.  What matters to me is the quest for social justice, for helping individuals at the point of need: not following church dogma, doctrine, creeds or tradition.  I do not perceive the tenets of christianity leading to a ticket to heaven: rather I consider following the teaching attributed to Jesus encapsulated in the phrase love your neighbour as being the key concept to be followed.

A few quotations illustrate my understanding of progressivism.

Christian theology needs to speak of social revolution, not reform; of liberation, not development; of socialism, not the modernisation of the prevailing system. Gustavo Gutierrez

The poverty of the poor is not a call to generous relief action, but a demand that we go and build a different social order. Gustavo Gutierrez

Speak up for those who cannot speak for themselves; ensure justice for those being crushed. Yes, speak up for the poor and the helpless, and see that they gain justice.  Proverbs 31:8-9

History will judge societies and governments - and their institutions - not by how big they are or how well they serve the rich and the powerful, but by how effectively they respond  to the needs of the poor and the helpless. Cesar Chavez

Any religion that professes to be concerned about the souls of men and is not concerned about the slums that damn them, the economic conditions that strangle them, and the social conditions that cripple them, is a spiritually moribund religion awaiting burial.  Martin Luther King Jr.

The issue for me is that a theological approach casting doubt on the existence of an anthropomorphic god, on the concept of god answering prayer, on the idea of an eternal life in heaven (or hell), places me outside the mainstream of thought of my church  denomination.   The concepts of evangelical biblical fundamentalism and  aspects of liberal theology are ones I cannot subscribe to without losing my integrity (such as it is). 

I am reminded of this:

As an institution, the church is not structurally free to drive systemic change. Those within it who try to do so — who name root causes, challenge policy, or threaten stability — tend to become liabilities. They are managed, marginalised, or pushed out. Peter Hobbs.

Shades of the fate of the Living in Love and Faith process in the Church of England.



Thursday, 5 February 2026

It's about community and individuals: not church structures.

'The church must be reminded that it is not the master or the servant of the state, but rather the conscience of the state.  It must be the guide and critic of the state, and never its tool.  If the church does not recapture its prophetic zeal, it will become an irrelevant social club without moral or spiritual authority.'

Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.


I have written before that the major task of the church is to advance the teaching attributed to Jesus to love our neighbour and therefore assist individuals at point of need and press governments for systemic change to achieve social justice.  It is in this context I commend the following passages:

'It is a source of shame that food, warmth and shelter — the basics of life — are now routinely being provided by churches and voluntary organisations. That should never have become normal. It represents a profound failure of the state.
Where I think the tension sits is here: the institutional church itself has become part of the stabilising machinery of government. It is protected, sanctioned, and relied upon precisely because it absorbs social strain without fundamentally challenging the system that produces it. That protection comes with limits.
As an institution, the church is not structurally free to drive systemic change. Those within it who try to do so — who name root causes, challenge policy, or threaten stability — tend to become liabilities. They are managed, marginalised, or pushed out. Not because they lack faith or compassion, but because institutions prioritise continuity and survival. In that sense, the absence of a dynamic for real change in the churches is not accidental. It is structural.
That doesn’t diminish the gospel. It clarifies the difference between the church as an institution and the body of Christ.
Biblically, justice, care for the poor, and truth-telling are non-negotiable. But historically, those movements have rarely been led by protected institutions. They have emerged from communities of believers acting beyond institutional control — people willing to risk security, status, and approval in order to follow Jesus faithfully.
So the question may not be “why aren’t the churches driving change?” but “where is the body of Christ willing to act without institutional cover?”
Real hope lies there. In organised communities of conscience. In believers who refuse to let charity replace justice. In people prepared to hold power to account even when it costs them position or protection.

That, to me, is what it means to follow Jesus now — not waiting for institutions to move, but becoming the church in action, aligned with the poor rather than with power.'

Peter Hobbs


I commend the following passage from an article by Colin Coward.

'The problem I perceive the Church of England to have is, if you like, an absence of truly woke priests and people who transform lives and worship by being as communally creative as possible, an energy that is repeatedly engaging with and challenging the institution and bishops and leaders. It’s incredibly demanding. Until the groups campaigning for true diversity and inclusion understand that change happens when we model and live it, rather than when we persuade the institution and General Synod to vote for change, progress towards full equality for women LGBTQIA+ people and equal marriage is going to be painfully slow.'

In the Church of England meaningful, lasting change will only come from the grassroots, from within parishes, by actions of individuals embracing and acting upon progressive theological concepts, but above all by listening to the concerns of people in the communities the parish serves.  The application of liberation theology would not be amiss.


Friday, 30 January 2026

A call to action!

 

Churches are engaged in sterling work in so many ways to assist people that it is putting a strain on them both in terms of people and finance.   The situations  individuals find themselves in are the most difficult for many years.  Who would have thought twenty years ago that great numbers of the population have to rely on foodbanks and warm areas.  It would have been unthinkable then  to suggest  that the basics of food and appropriate shelter have  to be provided by the voluntary sector for so many.  The state is failing in its duty and that needs calling out in the strongest terms.


There will  be the need always  for voluntary organisations to assist people, but it should not have to be for the very basics of life.  I have witnessed a long slow deterioration in so many ways : poor roads, housing provision, homelessness, NHS creaking, utilities failing, poverty as bad as ever (and destitution much worse).  To my mind it is no wonder that people are turning away from the main political parties.  Brexit was a warning about the discontent of large sections of the population. Reform is giving that discontent an organised political voice.  

How is the position to be remedied, or are we past a point of no return?  I so hope not.  It's clear to me that we need systemic change, to change our priorities, to advance the claims of the  have-nots.  The Reform Party is not the answer.  Churches are on the ground and well-versed in the tensions in communities, of peoples' fears and aspirations.  They are well-placed to speak with authority on the issues and champion the cause of the poor, deprived and  marginalised.  The pillars of helping individuals and social justice are  biblical concepts in the Old and New Testaments.  But where in the churches is the dynamic to drive a campaign for change?   Sadly I do not see it.  I do so hope ++Sarah   will steer the Church of England towards an emphasis on pastoral care and the example of Jesus.



Peter Hobbs comments:  
John, I agree with much of what you’ve said. It is a source of shame that food, warmth and shelter — the basics of life — are now routinely being provided by churches and voluntary organisations. That should never have become normal. It represents a profound failure of the state.
Where I think the tension sits is here: the institutional church itself has become part of the stabilising machinery of government. It is protected, sanctioned, and relied upon precisely because it absorbs social strain without fundamentally challenging the system that produces it. That protection comes with limits.
As an institution, the church is not structurally free to drive systemic change. Those within it who try to do so — who name root causes, challenge policy, or threaten stability — tend to become liabilities. They are managed, marginalised, or pushed out. Not because they lack faith or compassion, but because institutions prioritise continuity and survival. In that sense, the absence of a dynamic for real change in the churches is not accidental. It is structural.
That doesn’t diminish the gospel. It clarifies the difference between the church as an institution and the body of Christ.
Biblically, justice, care for the poor, and truth-telling are non-negotiable. But historically, those movements have rarely been led by protected institutions. They have emerged from communities of believers acting beyond institutional control — people willing to risk security, status, and approval in order to follow Jesus faithfully.
So the question may not be “why aren’t the churches driving change?” but “where is the body of Christ willing to act without institutional cover?”
Real hope lies there. In organised communities of conscience. In believers who refuse to let charity replace justice. In people prepared to hold power to account even when it costs them position or protection.
That, to me, is what it means to follow Jesus now — not waiting for institutions to move, but becoming the church in action, aligned with the poor rather than with power.

Wednesday, 28 January 2026

It's a disgrace

  Love your neighbour and campaign for systemic change to achieve social justice are the twin pillars of Christian theology in the realm of improving the lives of marginalised, poor and discriminated against individuals.  

It is an uphill struggle as the forces of the state and unempathetic individuals contest the the need for support and systemic change on the scale that is required.

Faith and secular bodies and individuals work very hard to support individuals at point of need, and all credit to them.  But one consequence of this is that said amelioration masks the full extent and effects of deprivation and marginalisation.  

Two reports published this week set out the stark reality of life for many in the United Kingdom.


The country’s most deprived neighbourhoods will have higher crime rates and worse unemployment by the end of the parliament, according to a report written at the request of No 10.

The forecasts from the Independent Commission on Neighbourhoods (Icon) show crime rates and unemployment will rise until the next election in England’s 613 most deprived neighbourhoods, despite the government’s promises to invest in local communities.

The report’s authors warn the extra money ministers have pumped in is not enough to counteract longer-term trends such as the increase in antisocial behaviour and the problems facing the retail and hospitality sectors.

The Guardian 28.01.2026


Below is a section of the summary of the Joseph  Rowntree Foundation report published on 27.01.2006 entitled:  UK Poverty 2026:  The essential guide to understanding poverty in the UK.

On the surface, it might appear that nothing has changed. But persistently high poverty rates lead to worsening real-world outcomes. Just as evidence shows that the longer a family spends in poverty the worse the effects on that family, the longer we tolerate unacceptably high levels of poverty the worse it is for our country. The corrosive impacts of poverty on families — fatigue, hunger, stress and reduced connectivity — hamper both their participation in society and their scope to make a bigger economic contribution. Failure to address poverty can hold back economic growth itself.

Every year, we see the same groups disproportionately trapped in poverty, with disabled people, people from some ethnic minority groups, people in larger families and renters all experiencing elevated rates. We see that being in work vastly reduces the likelihood of being in poverty, but it is far from a guarantee. Part-time workers, self-employed workers and workers in the accommodation and, food services (hospitality) sector, and in the administration and support activities sector, all see comparatively high rates of poverty, while in-work poverty overall has been rising across time. Looking at benefit rates, we see they remain inadequate, with the basic rate close to destitution levels.

Everything’s changed — it’s worse

But scratch below the surface, there are signs of change: a definitive deepening of poverty. The deeper you go, the further away from the poverty line you look, the worse things are. In 2023/24, 6.8 million people — or almost half of those in poverty — were in very deep poverty, with an income far below the standard poverty line, meaning their incomes are at most two thirds of the poverty line. This is both the highest absolute number of people, and the highest proportion, on record, going back to 1994/95.

We will have new information on the extent of the deepest and most damaging form of poverty — destitution, where people cannot afford to meet their most basic physical needs to stay warm, dry, clean and fed — towards the end of this year, but we already know levels more than doubled between 2017 and 2022 (Fitzpatrick et al., 2023). We see further evidence of deepening poverty in the large increases in the number of people who are struggling to access enough nutritious and varied food, with the total number of people who are food insecure increasing by 2.8 million between 2021/22 and 2023/24 (a 60% increase in just 2 years).

 Shocking.  I make no apology for returning to this subject and expressing my dismay and my contempt for governments at their failure to act over many years: failure of the political class and civil service to act.  John Kenneth  Galbraith summarised it well: government has the power and resources to act but choose not to.  Please go to the the Joseph Rowntree Foundation website and download the full report.

The churches really must do more to bring the issue of poverty into the consciousness of the population, the media and politicians.  We need a crusade, but I doubt if we will get beyond handwringing expressions of sorrow and caring.   As Óscar Romero said: “A Church that does not join the poor is not the true Church of Jesus Christ.”




Friday, 23 January 2026

Please indulge me.......

 I seek to follow the teaching attributed to Jesus by the authors of the synoptic gospels.  In this regard I have been influenced heavily by the ideas of Jurgen Moltmann, Gustavo Gutierrez, Martin Luther King Jr., Leonardo Boff, Dietrich Bonhoffer and Walter Brueggemann, particularly on the subject of social justice.  I pose this question. Is there something distinctive or special in the thread of concern in the bible for the poor and marginalised that distinguishes it from the concepts to be found in other religions or in secular sources?  I don't think so.

My current thinking is a potpourri, melange, mozaic, mixture, call it what you will, of radical, liberal, progressive and deconstructivist ideas riddled with existentialist, nihilist, absurdist, humanist and postmodernist concepts.  It wasn't aways thus!  I have been on a long and lonely journey questioning what I consider my faith or belief to be.  Believe me, it has been a hard road to travel and I find no comfort or peace of mind in the conclusions I have reached. 

Many years ago I delivered a series of talks on Ecclesiastes to a strongly fundamentalist congregation.  The conclusions I drew then differed markedly from what I would postulate now.  Ecclesiastes is awash with existentialist and nihilist ideas on the human condition: it is one long diatribe. However, at the end there is  this:

     Fear God, and keep his commandments; for this is the whole duty of man.  For God will bring every deed into judgement, with every secret thing, whether good or evil. (RSV)

A reasonable conclusion should one believe in an anthropomorphic God.  I prefer the opinion of Martin Thielen:

Instead of conceptualizing God as a personal, humanlike, supernatural deity, I envision God as the mysterious, creative, connective, evolutionary, intelligent, life-force, energy-force, animating Spirit of the universe.







Wednesday, 21 January 2026

Colin Coward: Anything to salvage from LLF?

Colin Coward  has this to say about the Church of England's bishops closure of the LLF process.

 'The bishops can’t risk upsetting the Church Revitalisation Trust, HTB, CEEC or The Alliance. The new, money-centred, growth-fixated, homophobic conservative evangelical axis is allowed to dominate and control.'

The quotation is taken from an article that may be read by following the link below.

https://www.unadulteratedlove.net/blog/2026/1/21/brave-deans-and-mostly-silent-bishops-living-in-love-and-faith-time-to-find-our-voices-and-courage




Saturday, 17 January 2026

What next on the road to inclusion?

The decision of the House of Bishops of the Church of England effectively to terminate the Living in Love and Faith process, although anticipated, has occasioned neverthess fear, anxiety, despair, anger, bravado and steely determination in those who campaigned for change. 

The Alliance, Holy Trinity Brompton network and Church of England Evangelical Council, aided and abetted by some  individuals in senior management and administration of the CofE, doubtless are content with the outcome of the House of Bishops' deliberations.  Seeking alternative oversight, withdrawing diocesan share, demanding a new province has paid rich dividends.

The gay community has been sacrificed on the altar of expediency, by the chimera of unity and by recourse to theological and legal advice: the advice being singularly partisan and not reflecting arguments that support continuation of the LLF process.  .Justice and equity have been jettisoned to the accompaniment of crocodile tears and wringing of hands.

Should the bishops believe they have made the correct decisions they are in for a shock.  Dissent will continue, standalone services of blessing for single sex couples will be held and bishops challenged to invoke disciplinary procedures. Support organisations for dissenting priests will be formed and public awareness grow of the failure of the Church of  England to apply the key Christian principle of fully inclusive love.  



Thursday, 15 January 2026

Brilliant exposition

I commend the following article.

Marriage, Sabbath, Creation and Jesus’s Embodiment of Justice

By the Revd Robert Thompson, Vicar St Mary’s, Kilburn & St James’, West Hampstead; host of Open Table, London; member of General Synod


Like many, my deep disappointment at yesterday’s statement from the House of Bishops on the ending of the Living in Love and Faith process is charged with much anger too. The bishops have confirmed that no proposals will come to February’s General Synod on standalone services of blessing for same-sex couples, nor on permitting clergy or ordinands to enter same-sex civil marriages without canonical penalty. Once again, this position is presented as embodying the need for prudence, pastoral care, and church unity. But delay is never neutral. It is a decision, and this decision has a human cost.

In the Church of England, we have already acknowledged the hurt caused to LGBTQIA + people by our teaching and practice. We have recognised that faithful same-sex relationships can bear the fruits of love, fidelity, patience, and self-giving. We have commended Prayers of Love and Faith as a sign that something has shifted. And yet, when it comes to equality that is visible, embodied, and trusted, equality that can stand on its own, we hesitate.

Prayers may be offered, but only when embedded discreetly within other services. Love may be recognised, but not sufficiently to shape worship in its own right. Relationships may be affirmed, but not enough to allow those who live them to represent the Church publicly as priests. This is not full inclusion. It is calculated containment.

Marriage and Creation

Defenders of the status quo in our debates have often appealed to “creation” to justify this restraint. Marriage, we are told, is a gift of God given in creation and therefore cannot be changed. Doctrine, it is claimed, does not develop but is merely preserved. To alter the Church’s practice in relation to marriage or ministry would therefore be to abandon biblical faithfulness. But this appeal to creation is far less secure, biblically and theologically, than is often assumed.

In the Genesis narratives, humanity is indeed created for relationship. It is “not good that the human should be alone” (Genesis 2.18), and human beings are created for mutuality and companionship (Genesis 1.26–28). Yet Adam and Eve are never described as being married. There is no ritual, no vow, no covenantal form, and no divine command instituting marriage as a fixed social or sacramental institution within the act of creation itself. Marriage, as a recognisable human institution, emerges later, shaped by kinship systems, law, property, and culture.

The oft-quoted line that “a man shall leave his father and mother and cling to his wife” (Genesis 2.24) is not spoken by God but offered by the narrator, already presupposing settled social arrangements beyond Eden. Genesis gives us anthropology, an account of human relationality, not canon law.

Sabbath and Creation

By contrast, there is something in the creation narrative that is explicitly named, blessed, and sanctified by God: the Sabbath. Genesis tells us that God rests on the seventh day, blesses it, and makes it holy (Genesis 2.2–3). If anything can be said to be unambiguously “given in creation”, it is the Sabbath.

This comparison and distinction matters profoundly. Because when Jesus encounters the Sabbath, not as a vague symbol but as a divinely instituted, creation-grounded command, he does not freeze it in place. Nor does he treat its creational status as a reason to resist reinterpretation. Instead, he makes a striking claim: “The Sabbath was made for humankind, not humankind for the Sabbath” (Mark 2.27).

Jesus does not deny the holiness of the Sabbath. He fulfils it by re-articulating its purpose. A creation-given institution is revealed to exist for life, mercy, and human flourishing. When it is used to wound, exclude, or constrain, it has been misunderstood and is not honoured. This instinct lay at the heart of the teaching of the Hebrew prophets: the preservation of life takes precedence over rigid application of law.

This pattern runs consistently through the Gospels. Jesus heals on the Sabbath (Matthew 12.1–14; Luke 13.10–17; Luke 14.1–6), restoring dignity where religious anxiety would have preferred restraint. He insists that mercy, not sacrifice, reveals the heart of God (Hosea 6.6; Matthew 9.13). Law is not abolished, but fulfilled, and fulfilment in biblical terms does not mean repetition, but faithful interpretation ordered towards life.

Jesus’s and the Apostles’ hermeneutic of Justice

Jesus’s way of reading Scripture is not an innovation imposed from outside Israel’s faith, but stands squarely within the prophetic tradition of Judaism, in which God’s commands are continually re-heard in the light of suffering, historical change, and the demands of justice. His teaching does not replace the law; it discloses its purpose.

The same authority is evident when Jesus contrasts inherited teaching with his own words: “You have heard that it was said… but I say to you” (Matthew 5.21–48). This is not a rejection of Scripture, but a claim about how Scripture is to be read faithfully. Doctrine, in the deepest sense, is already dynamic here, not because truth is unstable, but because truth is encountered afresh as God’s purposes come into clearer view.

The early Church understood this instinctively. Faced with the inclusion of Gentiles, the apostles did not cling rigidly to scriptural commands about circumcision. They observed the Spirit’s work among those once excluded, and concluded, “It has seemed good to the Holy Spirit and to us” (Acts 15.28). Scripture was not abandoned, but re-read in the light of lived faith.

To deny the possibility of doctrinal development, then, is not conservative in any serious theological sense. The Scriptures of Israel themselves witness to a living tradition of interpretation, argument, and moral discernment, shaped by the conviction that God’s will is known most truly where life and dignity are upheld. Jesus stands within this tradition, intensifying its demands rather than abandoning its methods.

If doctrine could not develop, the Incarnation would not deepen Israel’s story, the Resurrection would not widen the horizon of hope, and Pentecost would not mark an expansion of God’s life among God’s people. Christ would be reduced to a guardian of settled meanings, rather than the one in whom God’s purposes are brought into sharper focus and fuller light. In short, Christianity would not have come into being.

Processing our Anger

This brings us back to the present moment. The Church is being asked to believe that a same-sex relationship may be holy enough to be prayed for, but not holy enough to shape worship on its own terms. That a same-sex marriage may be lived faithfully by lay people, but becomes incompatible with holiness the moment a vocation to priesthood is discerned. That baptism incorporates all equally into Christ, yet ministry must still be rationed according to categories of suspicion. This is not theological coherence. It is a hierarchy of dignity.

Appeals to unity and process cannot disguise this reality. Unity that depends on inequality is not Christian unity; it is institutional calm purchased at the expense of a minority’s flourishing. Acknowledging hurt while leaving intact the structures that cause it is not repentance; it is recognition without conversion.

It is here that I locate the anger that charges my sadness. Like many colleagues I am now left in a place where I need to assess how best to respond to episcopal decision-making. Anger because I feel as if I been nothing but a faithful, committed and deeply-engaged Anglican for the entirety of my life and this feels like a resounding slap in the face. Like many I am now asking: at which point does active dissent to this decision-making become both morally and theologically essential and what forms should dissent take?

There is a clear distinction between dissent born of impatience and resistance demanded by conscience. Ecclesial disobedience is not justified simply because progress is slow, a vote has been lost, or a desired outcome deferred. But there does comes a point when continued compliance itself also ceases to be morally neutral. It seems to me that this threshold is now met because of the convergence of four conditions:

First, the harm must be real, ongoing, and acknowledged. In this case, the bishops themselves have named the hurt experienced by queer Christians. This is not speculative damage, nor the complaint of a disgruntled minority.

Second, authority must know the harm and nevertheless maintain the policy that causes it. That border has also now been crossed. Delay is no longer inadvertent or provisional; it is conscious and defended.

Third, the harm must fall disproportionately on a vulnerable group. Here it is borne most acutely by LGBTQIA+ Christians, particularly clergy and ordinands, whose vocations, livelihoods, and integrity are placed under sustained pressure.

Fourth, appeals to unity or process must have become mechanisms of avoidance rather than means of discernment. That is now clearly the case here. Many of us have experienced this process as one that has led nowhere. When Procedure ceases to serve justice and instead becomes a way of deferring it the process itself loses any moral authority.

When these four conditions are present, as they are now, obedience itself becomes ethically charged. Continued compliance is no longer a neutral act of loyalty; it is a decision that participates, however reluctantly, in the maintenance of actual structural harm.

At this point, then, faithfulness may require something more demanding than patience. It may require acting as though the Church we proclaim already exists and accepting the cost of doing so. As Marika Rose, very much echoing Jesus on the Sabbath, writes in Theology for the End of the World: “Christian faithfulness is not about managing the world as it is, but about refusing to give ultimate authority to arrangements that deny life.” When ecclesial structures become arrangements that deny dignity, the call of the Gospel is not quiet endurance but truthful disruption.

Jesus’s call to embody Justice

The issue before the Church today is clear: it is whether we are willing to allow mercy, dignity, and life to be the criteria by which our doctrine and practice are shaped or whether we will continue to defend inherited forms even when they wound the very people in whom the fruits of the Spirit are already evident.

That is not a question about sexuality alone. It is a question about what kind of Church we are becoming and whether we truly believe that Christ is alive enough to lead us somewhere we have not yet fully understood.

Will we follow Jesus on the Sabbath? Will we with Christ embody God’s justice?

See also the follow-on article.


This essay is offered as a response to a critique by Martin Davie of my earlier piece, Marriage, Sabbath, Creation, and Jesus’s Embodiment of Justice. I am grateful for the seriousness with which Martin has engaged with the argument. His response is careful, rooted in Scripture, and motivated by a concern for theological coherence. The disagreement between us, however, is not primarily about whether marriage is good, creational, or worthy of honour. It concerns how creation itself is to be understood in the light of Jesus Christ, and how far appeals to “creation” can bear the theological weight being placed upon them.

Methodological Clarification

Before turning to the specific points of disagreement, it may be helpful to clarify the theological method at work in what follows. My argument does not proceed by setting Scripture against tradition, nor by privileging contemporary experience over biblical witness. Rather, it reads Scripture canonically and christologically, attending to how creation, law, and human institutions are interpreted and fulfilled in the teaching and practice of Jesus himself. Creation is therefore understood teleologically rather than statically: its meaning is disclosed not only at its origin in Genesis, but in its fulfilment in resurrection and new creation. Within this framework, the goods of creation — including marriage, Sabbath, and sacrament — are affirmed as real and holy, while also recognised as provisional in form. Discernment, on this account, is not a departure from faithfulness but an intrinsic feature of a living tradition shaped by Scripture, oriented toward Christ, and attentive to the Spirit’s work in the Church.

Creation, Genesis, and the Shape of Human Life

Martin Davie argues that Genesis 1–2 establishes marriage as a fixed creational institution, such that later Christian discernment must conform to that original pattern. Genesis certainly presents sexual difference, relationality, and companionship as part of God’s good creation (Genesis 1:27; 2:18–24). The question, however, is whether Genesis functions as an institutional charter for marriage in the strong sense being claimed.

Jewish interpretation itself cautions against reading Genesis so rigidly. Rabbinic traditions preserve interpretations in which the first human (ha-adam) is understood as an undifferentiated or androgynous being, later divided into differentiated bodies (Genesis Rabbah 8.1; Babylonian Talmud, Berakhot 61a). Whether or not one accepts these readings, their existence matters: they show that Genesis has not historically been read as offering a single, metaphysical definition of marriage. Rather, marriage emerges within Jewish thought as a covenantal and social ordering of life, shaped by commandment and community rather than ontology alone (Satlow, 2001).

Appeals to “creation” that treat marriage as fixed, exhaustive, and self-interpreting therefore risk pressing Genesis more rigidly than the interpretive tradition from which Jesus himself emerges.

Sabbath, Law, and Jesus’s Hermeneutic

Martin Davie resists the analogy between Sabbath and marriage, arguing that Jesus does not relativise Sabbath law but restores its true meaning. On this point there is significant agreement. Jesus does not abolish Sabbath. But he does refuse to absolutise its form.

“The Sabbath was made for humanity, not humanity for the Sabbath” (Mark 2:27). This is not merely a repetition of existing law but a hermeneutical claim about how divine commands function in relation to human flourishing. Jesus repeatedly authorises acts of healing and restoration on the Sabbath (Mark 3:1–6; Luke 13:10–17), insisting that the purpose of the law is disclosed in mercy and life rather than in rigid preservation of form (Sanders, 1985).

The analogy with marriage does not rest on their equivalence, but on the shared theological logic: both are creational goods whose meaning is disclosed in fulfilment, not frozen at origin. If Sabbath can be both creational and subject to radical reinterpretation in the light of God’s redemptive purposes, then appeals to creation alone cannot foreclose discernment about marriage.

Marriage and the Resurrection

This becomes unmistakable when we attend to Jesus’s explicit teaching about marriage and the life to come. In response to a question about resurrection, Jesus states plainly: “In the resurrection they neither marry nor are given in marriage” (Matthew 22:30; Mark 12:25; Luke 20:35).

This is not a marginal aside. It is a direct claim about the structures of human life before God. Whatever marriage is, it does not belong to the final form of redeemed life. Marriage, on Jesus’s own account, is good but provisional. It orders desire, fidelity, and care under the conditions of finitude and mortality. In the resurrection, those conditions no longer obtain (Wright, 2007).

This does not diminish marriage; it situates it within a teleological account of creation. Creation is not denied but fulfilled. Fulfilment, however, involves transformation rather than mere preservation. Any theological argument that treats marriage as eschatologically final risks standing in tension with Jesus’s own teaching on precisely this point.

Creation Read from the End, Not Only from the Beginning

Martin Davie’s account of creation proceeds largely from Genesis forwards. Christian theology, however, has consistently insisted that creation must be read from resurrection backwards. The Christian hope is not the restoration of Edenic arrangements, but new creation (Romans 8:18–25; Revelation 21–22). As Paul insists, “the present form of this world is passing away” (1 Corinthians 7:31).

Creation’s meaning is therefore disclosed not only at its origin, but at its fulfilment in Christ. Marriage belongs to the ordering of life in this age. Its goodness is real and its disciplines are serious, but its form is not ultimate (O’Donovan, 1986).

Sabbath, Sacrament, and Provisional Holiness

The same eschatological logic applies to Sabbath, Church, and sacrament. Sabbath is creational, yet Jewish tradition has long described it as a foretaste of the world to come rather than its final form (Heschel, 1951). In the resurrection, Sabbath is not abolished but universalised: what was once a regulated interruption of labour becomes the permanent condition of life lived wholly within God’s rest.

Likewise, the sacraments belong to the time of pilgrimage. The Eucharist is a real participation in Christ now (1 Corinthians 10:16), but it mediates a presence that, in the life to come, is no longer mediated. Classical Christian theology has consistently held that the sacraments cease not because they are false, but because they have accomplished their purpose (Augustine, City of God XXII).

Marriage belongs within this same theological pattern: real, holy, and necessary within this age, yet provisional in form. To recognise this is not to weaken marriage, but to take fulfilment seriously.

Discernment and Ecclesial Responsibility

Martin Davie suggests that claims of harm only have force if one already accepts the moral legitimacy of same-sex relationships. I disagree. Exclusion, lack of recognition, and enforced invisibility within the Body of Christ constitute real forms of harm regardless of one’s prior moral conclusions. Christian discernment has always involved holding doctrine and lived experience together, rather than allowing appeals to creation to foreclose the process in advance (Williams, 1989).

Conclusion

The disagreement between us is not about whether marriage is good, creational, or worthy of honour. It is about whether creation is static or teleological; whether Jesus fulfils creation by preserving its forms unchanged, or by bringing them to their true end.

Jesus does not deny creation. He fulfils it — and in doing so, he relativises what is provisional without emptying it of meaning. Marriage, Sabbath, and sacrament all belong within that movement from gift to fulfilment. To treat any one of them as eschatologically final is not fidelity to creation, but a failure to take resurrection seriously enough.

 


 

Wednesday, 14 January 2026

Shameful cop-out by Church of England bishops.

 On 14 January 2026 the House of Bishops published its proposals concerning LLF  to be put to the next meeting of the General Synod of the Church of England. Basically nothing has changed from the documents published in October and December 2025.  There are to be no stand-alone services of blessing for same-sex couples nor will clergy be able to marry a same-sex partner (although they can be in a civil partnership).

The statement by the House of Bishops may be read on the Church of England website. It is nothing short of a disgrace that no progress to full inclusion in the Church of England has been made, other than blessings as part of regular authorised services.

Predictably and understandably there has been reaction from clergy supportive of change.  Four comments below.

                                                                    ---

Simon Butler:

I leave on holiday for 18 days tomorrow and there’s nothing that prepares me for holiday like a statement from the House of Bishops.
It is a convenient exercise of episcopal cowardice to hide behind theological and legal advice. As one of the Church House lawyers said recently, if the House had given it instructions to implement the decisions of General Synod the lawyers would have done it. Instead they ask for legal advice and then cower behind it, pretending they had no choice.
The conclusion I come to is that, as this is the conclusion of LLF, for me at least it is the conclusion of my pastoral relationship with bishops. I have no confidence in the bishops to exercise any pastoral care for me and I will, for the foreseeable future, relate to my bishops accordingly. They have forfeited any moral authority to pastor LGBT people. They have abandoned me; I will find my own path for the rest of my stipendiary ministry. I would caution any LGBT person to think long and hard before considering a vocation in the Church of England as it is today.
I have made it clear that, as the legal advice given to the House indicates, there is little legal power the bishops have to prevent me from conducting services for same sex couples as I judge pastorally appropriate. It will be for the bishops to decide what action they wish to take and whether they want to fight it out through the law.
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Robert Thompson:

Bishops can dress this up all they want. But this decision reveals how incoherent our ecclesiology has now become.
The LLF statement presents its outcome as a pastoral compromise. Theologically, however, it represents an impasse. It affirms baptismal belonging, ordains LGBTQIA+ people to ministry, and invokes ecclesial unity—yet refuses to draw the doctrinal and disciplinary consequences of those affirmations.
This leaves LGBTQIA+ clergy inhabiting a space of permanent provisionality: fully called, partially trusted; sacramentally equal, institutionally constrained.
A church that affirms baptismal equality and ordains LGBTQIA+ clergy, but then restricts our vocations for “unity”, isn’t showing patience or pastoral care. It’s simply justifying inequality sanctified by process.
“If one member suffers, all suffer together.” (1 Cor 12:26)

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Charlie Baczyk-Bell:

Once again, for the avoidance of doubt:
I will gladly offer any queer couples a service of blessing, as is my right as a priest under Canon B5. I am a married, gay priest, and the world has not ended.
The Church of England, and the House of Bishops, is institutionally queerphobic.
We your clergy are not. Come to us, and we will not turn you away.
Queerphobia is no different to misogyny, or racism, or any other kind of hatred. You, bishops, and those you compel you in fear, will face the judgement of the Lord Jesus Christ.
What you do to these little ones, you did also to me.
                 ---

Robert Thompson

The episcopate has become a different caste, rather than order, of the ordained that make decisions in what seems to have become a moral vacuum. 

The fixation on whether the Prayers of Love and Faith require Canon B2 authorisation or can be used under Canon B5 is a a convenient misdirection. 

Bishops have already exercised doctrinal authority by commending the LLF prayers; they could not have done so if they believed them to be contrary to the Church of England’s teaching. The theological decision has already been made. 

To continue speaking as if nothing has changed until B2 is achieved is not caution, it is evasion about their own theological and liturgical decision making. 

This ambiguity serves bishops, but it does not serve not clergy or couples. It preserves episcopal room for manoeuvre while pushing pastoral risk and disciplinary exposure downwards. 

Clergy are asked to carry the weight of uncertainty; same-sex couples are offered prayer without honesty about what the Church now believes; and bishops avoid accountability for the consequences of their own decisions. 

If episcopal leadership means anything, it must include the courage to name what has already been decided and to stand behind it openly. 

Today’s ending of LLF just shows how theologically incoherent episcopal decision making has become.